Article

Canada-China Relations

Chinese immigration to Canada began with the Fraser River Gold Rush in 1858. Between 1881 and 1885, more than 17,000 Chinese workers helped complete the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR). Chinese immigrants had to pay an increasingly large “head tax” starting in 1885. Between 1923 and 1947, Chinese immigration to Canada was effectively banned. Canada’s presence in China began with Christian missionary work in the 1890s. Canada and China were allies during the Second World War and adversaries in the Korean War. Canada’s official recognition of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in October 1970 helped open communist China to the West. Canada then aided China's entry into the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Economic ties and human rights concerns have been hallmarks of the bilateral relationship ever since. More recently, relations have been strained by the Meng Wanzhou Affair and allegations of Chinese interference in Canada’s elections.

Justin Trudeau and Xi Xinping
Chinese president Xi Jinping (right) shakes hands with Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau at the G20 Summit in Hangzhou, China, 4 September 2016.
(photo by Lintao Zhang, courtesy Getty Images)

Early Immigration to Canada

In 1858, following China’s defeat by Britain and France in the Second Opium War, a series of unequal treaties — the treaties of Tianjin (Tienstin) was negotiated between the three countries. Provisions of the treaties greatly increased Christian missionary activity in China. This formed the basis of early Canada-China relations.

Also in 1858, Chinese immigrants began arriving in the Fraser River Valley as gold prospectors. They established one of the first Chinese communities in Canada, in Barkerville, British Columbia. By 1860, the Chinese population of Vancouver Island and British Columbia reached 7,000.

Between 1881 and 1885, more than 17,000 Chinese workers completed the western section of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR). The workers, some of whom were boys, were often exploited. More than 700 died due to dangerous conditions. The construction of the CPR led to the development of Chinese communities nationwide. However, starting in 1885, Chinese immigrants had to pay a $50 “head tax” to enter Canada. They were the only ethnic group required to do so. The head tax increased to $100 in 1900. The number of Chinese immigrants plummeted from 4,719 to eight in one fiscal year. The 1902 Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration deemed Asians “unfit for full citizenship.” This led to another increase in the head tax, to $500, in 1903.


Christian Missionary Work in China

The first groups of Canadian missionaries arrived in Chengdu, the capital of the province of Sichuan, in 1891. Their work included building hospitals and schools. Most missionaries sent to China were Methodists. About 500 went to China over the course of 60 years. They made a lasting impression in medical, dental, educational and evangelical history in China. On a per capita basis, Canada had more Christian missionaries in China than any other country. At the end of the First World War, the main Protestant churches alone supported two universities, 270 schools, and 30 hospitals.

In the latter half of the 19th century, various resistance groups against foreigners formed in China. They were driven by a mix of cultural pride, political resentment and resistance to economic exploitation. On 1 June 1895, a riot erupted at a Canadian mission in Chengdu. This led to the destruction of the mission. Further anti-foreigner and anti-Christian uprisings occurred in the form of the Boxer Rebellion (1899–1901). It resulted in violent attacks on foreigners and Chinese Christians. Thousands were killed across northern China before the rebellion was supressed.

Expanding Canada’s Commercial Presence in China

In 1906, Canada established an office in Shanghai for the Department of Trade and Commerce. This showed Canada's growing interest in expanding its commercial presence in Asia. By 1909, the Canadian government established the Department of External Affairs (now called Global Affairs Canada). It formalized Canada's diplomatic efforts with other nations, including China. That same year, William Lyon Mackenzie King, Canada’s deputy minister of labour, arrived in Shanghai to attend the International Opium Conference.

Chinese “Head Tax” in Canada

On 1 July 1923 (known to many Chinese Canadians as “Humiliation Day”), Canada’s Chinese Immigration Act was replaced by a law of the same name. It virtually suspended Chinese immigration to Canada. Only certain types of individuals (such as teachers, students, diplomats and missionaries) were now allowed to immigrate. In 1926, trade between Canada and China reached a peak of $27.3 million. This was followed by a significant decline.

In 1931, the Statute of Westminster granted Canada full legal autonomy and allowed it to conduct its own foreign affairs.

Chinese immigration certificate

Diplomatic Relations Begin: 1944

During the Second World War, China and Canada — now military allies in the conflict against Imperial Japan — expanded their diplomatic relations. Mackenzie King, now prime minister, was encouraged to provide military aid to China to strengthen the anti-Axis alliance. Canada provided Bren guns and field artillery to Hong Kong, though the effort ended in disaster. (See Canada and the Battle of Hong Kong.) In 1945, Canada established diplomatic relations with the Chinese Nationalist Government and opened an embassy in Chongqing. Canada repealed its ban against Chinese immigrants in 1947.

After the Chinese Civil War that began in 1945–46, the Nationalist government was defeated by the communists and fled to Taiwan, where it formed an independent government. The People's Republic of China (PRC) was established on 1 October 1949. Canada refused to recognize the communist government in Beijing. But it continued to recognize the government in Taiwan. This caused relations with China to deteriorate throughout the 1940s and 1950s.

Liberated Canadian Prisoners of War

Korean War (1950–53) and After-effects

Any attempts at diplomatic relations with the new Communist government in the PRC were disrupted by the outbreak of the Korean War. Between 1950 and 1953, Canada (as part of the United Nations forces) and China engaged in active combat. This marked the lowest point in their bilateral relations. In 1951, the United Church of Canada ended its mission in China. All missionaries were expelled from China in 1952.

For the next decade and a half, various obstacles — including public opinion, American views, Chinese aggression, and American involvement in Vietnam — kept Canada from recognizing the PRC.

In 1959, Canada’s minister of agriculture, Alvin Hamilton, visited China. This led to significant grain sales to China. These included the sale of $75 million worth of wheat in 1961 and another large sale in 1969. These grain sales were driven by commercial and political interests rather than diplomatic goals. Hamilton‘s initiatives contributed to a more constructive relationship with China.

In 1963, Paul Martin Sr. was appointed secretary of state for external affairs. He called for recognizing China’s participation in the United Nations. This stance was supported by the Liberal Party by 1966. By 1969, public opinion favoured recognizing the PRC. In February 1969, the government of Pierre Trudeau announced plans to assist China’s admission to the United Nations, while also acknowledging Taiwan's separate government.


Diplomatic Relations Enter New Phase: 1970s

Canada’s official recognition of the PRC on 13 October 1970 was a major success, both domestically and internationally. It led to the US-China rapprochement and inspired other countries to recognize the PRC using the Canadian model for acknowledging Taiwan’s status. Canada focused on commercial and diplomatic interactions, while reducing its ties with Taiwan. By 1971, both Canada and China had established diplomatic consulars in the other country. R.E. Collins was named Canada’s first Ambassador to China.

In 1971,China was admitted to the United Nations on its 21st attempt. Canada also helped facilitate China's entry into the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). China’s admission to the UN as “the only legitimate government of China” led to Taiwan's expulsion.

Also in 1971, Jean-Luc Pépin, still minister of trade and commerce, led an economic mission to China. Huang Hua was appointed China’s first ambassador to Canada. Also in 1972, Minister of Trade Mitchell Sharp met Premier Zhou Enlai, and Canada participated in a trade exhibition in Beijing. This marked a major step in bilateral relations.

In 1973, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau made his first official visit to China. He established the Canada-China Scholars’ Exchange Program. He also consolidated Canada as the favoured supplier of wheat, potash and plant technology to China. The visit, marked by warmth, also resulted in a family reunification agreement. This allowed for the first significant amount of immigration from China to Canada in a generation. (See also Immigration Policy.) The recognition of Norman Bethune, a Canadian communist known for his medical innovations and support for Communist forces in China, served as a diplomatic door opener, despite mixed attitudes toward him at home. (See also Norman Bethune: Greatest Canadian?) In 1976, Prime Minister Trudeau blocked Taiwan's participation in the Montreal Olympics, leading to its withdrawal from the Games.

In 1978, Jack Horner, minister of industry, trade and commerce, led a mission to China. In 1979, the Export Development Corporation gave China a CAD$2 billion line of credit. Also, that year, the first Parliamentary delegation visited China, and the Protocol on Economic Cooperation was signed.


Diplomatic Relations: 1980s–1990s

Throughout the Pierre Trudeau years, Canada consistently focused on building high-level personal relations with China, respecting its sovereignty, and establishing multiple layers of connections. (This continued under the subsequent Conservative governments of Joe Clark and Brian Mulroney.) The 1980 bilateral aid program was important in strengthening ties, particularly as Deng Xiaoping’s open-door policy of economic reform took hold in 1978. His program aimed to achieve economic growth by introducing foreign capital and technology. Despite some domestic opposition, Canada’s relationship with China enjoyed high-level political backing and public approval. This led to increased bilateral trade, which reached $2 billion by 1985.

In 1983, Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang made a historic visit to Canada. This marked a significant milestone in diplomatic relations between the two nations. Premier Zhao's visit included meetings with Canadian leaders and discussions on various aspects of bilateral co-operation. It culminated in the signing of an Agreement on Investment Insurance in 1984.

In July 1985, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney hosted President Li Xiannian and Vice-President Li Peng. President Li praised Canada as a “trustworthy partner.” Mulroney’s official visit to China 10 months later included meetings with top Chinese leaders, including Deng Xiaoping. It set the stage for a series of strategic diplomatic and economic engagements between the two countries. (See also International Economics.) Following Mulroney's visit, in 1986, China and Canada signed the Agreement on Avoiding Double Taxation and Preventing Tax Evasion.

In 1987, the Canadian government approved a new strategy aimed at capitalizing on opportunities with China. This approach focused on economic ties and better coordination of efforts. These included accords on cultural exchange, which aimed to foster mutual understanding and appreciation of each other's cultural heritage, and trade agreements that sought to expand and diversify economic interactions. Human rights were seen as a lower priority.

In 1989, the Tiananmen Square massacre disrupted the previously active and growing relationship between Canada and China. The violent suppression of the protests led to a halt in many diplomatic and economic activities. Canada, along with many other Western nations, expressed its condemnation and concerns over China’s human rights abuses.


Diplomatic Re-engagement: 1990s-2000s

By 1992, efforts to normalize relations with China were growing. This led to visits by Canada’s agriculture minister in 1991 and a pivotal 1992 trade mission led by Michael Wilson, minister of international trade. This period marked a cautious but determined effort to rebuild bilateral relations post-Tiananmen.

When the Liberals returned to power in 1993, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien strengthened Canada-China relations by focusing on economic ties. Chrétien made multiple official visits, hosted senior Chinese leaders, and launched Team Canada missions that boosted trade. Bilateral trade grew from $3.1 billion in 1990 to $37 billion by 2005. Despite criticism for prioritizing trade over human rights, Chrétien defended engagement as the most effective approach. In 1997, Canada secured its Consulate General’s continued operation in Hong Kong after its handover to China. This ensured Canada’s critical diplomatic presence in the region. Canada further strengthened relations with a 1997 Consular Agreement. The relationship continued in 1998 and 1999 with human rights dialogues, legal reforms and environmental agreements.

Diplomatic Relations: 2000s–2010s

In 2001, China's admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO), supported by Canada, marked a major milestone in its integration into the global economy. (See also Globalization.) By 2003, China had become the second-largest trading partner of both Canada and the United States. That same year, Premier Wen Jiabao met with Prime Minister Chrétien in Ottawa and proposed extensive co-operation across various sectors.

Also in 2003, Paul Martin succeeded Chrétien as prime minister. Martin continued the policy of engagement, now focusing on global supply chains and international financial governance. (See also Foreign Investment.) In 2004, during Martin’s visit to China, the Strategic Working Group was formed. It led to new agreements in transportation, health, energy, and climate research. This strategic partnership represented a high point in Canada-China relations.

Between 2006 and 2008, under Prime Minister Stephen Harper, the Canadian government adopted a more cautious approach toward China, with a strong focus on the country’s human rights abuses. The Conservatives’ early policy combined “cool politics, warm economics,” maintaining trade while criticizing China on human rights. This included public support from Canada for the Dalai Lama and involvement in cases like that of Huseyin Celil.

Despite encouraging economic ties, including infrastructure initiatives like the Asia Pacific Gateway, Harper’s approach led to strained relations. High-level meetings were delayed, and China’s trust in Canada diminished. China suspended the Strategic Working Groups and rejected Canada’s approved destination status for tourism. Harper declined invitations to visit China and did not attend the 2008 Olympic Summer Games in Beijing. The government’s stance faced criticism from business leaders, academics and the media. They pointed out lost trade opportunities and declining influence as global partners continued to engage with China.


Around this time, the Harper government began moderating its China policy. It shifted its focus from human rights to economics and energy. By late 2008, high-level visits and economic engagements resumed. In 2009, Harper made a significant visit to China. This led to agreements on trade and investment and a greater balance between human rights advocacy and economic interests. Relations continued to improve in 2010 with Chinese president Hu Jintao's visit to Canada for the G20 summit in Toronto, where both nations emphasized a growing strategic partnership.

By 2012, after a series of bilateral agreements, Canada’s approach mirrored earlier Liberal strategies. The focus was on trade, high-level exchanges, and managing sensitive issues quietly. The Harper government’s shift toward a more pragmatic China policy was welcomed by academics and businesses. But it also raised concerns among Canadians uneasy with China’s human rights record and governance. Debates grew over the 2012 Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement (FIPPA) and the China National Offshore Oil Corporation’s (CNOOC) acquisition of Nexen. Many feared state-owned enterprises (SOEs) could be linked to espionage, military influence, and a lack of reciprocity for Canadian businesses. In response, the Harper government set new guidelines restricting SOE investments in Canada’s oil sands.

In 2015, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau similarly adopted a “hot-and-cold” approach toward China, balancing engagement with confrontation. Trudeau initially sought warmer ties. He revitalized bilateral channels, initiated the Annual Leader’s Dialogue, and appointed John McCallum as ambassador. Both sides were interested in exploring discussions on a potential Canada-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA). Canada also joined the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank and approved some controversial Chinese investments. These included O-Net Communications’ acquisition of ITF Technologies and Hytera’s purchase of Norsat.


Diplomatic Tensions: Meng Wanzhou Affair and Election Interference

Starting in 2018, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government took a harder stance with China on key issues. Discussions on the China-Canada FTA never moved passed the exploratory phase. In May 2018, the government blocked the sale of China Communication Construction Company International Holding Limited’s (CCCI) acquisition of Aecon. It also publicly criticized China’s human rights abuses, especially against the Uyghurs.

The arrest of Huawei CFO Meng Wanzhou in Vancouver in December 2018 sparked significant diplomatic tensions between Canada and China. Following Meng’s detention, China detained Canadians Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, escalating the situation into a diplomatic crisis. (See Meng Wanzhou Affair.) Ambassador McCallum was fired over his handling of the affair. Throughout 2019 and 2020, China and Canada engaged in a series of retaliatory measures. These included trade bans and diplomatic protests, all of which strained bilateral relations. The impasse continued until September 2021. Meng Wanzhou reached a deferred prosecution agreement with the US, allowing for her release. This agreement led to the simultaneous release of Kovrig and Spavor from Chinese custody.

In 2024, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) confirmed that China had interfered in Canada’s 2019 and 2021 elections, supporting candidates who were pro-PRC or neutral on PRC interests. Some MPs, such as the Conservative Party’s foreign affairs critic Michael Chong, were put under surveillance and targeted with intimidation campaigns. Erin O’Toole, the Conservative Party leader during the 2021 campaign, estimated this interference cost his party up to nine seats, though he stated it did not alter the overall election outcome. CSIS stated that “protecting Canadian democratic institutions against China will require a shift in the government’s perspective and a willingness to take decisive action and impose consequences on perpetrators.” China has denied all allegations of interference in Canada’s affairs.

(See also Chinese Canadians; Canadian Foreign Relations; Foreign Investment; Foreign Aid; International Trade.)

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Further Reading

  • Huhua Cao and Vivienne Poy, The China Challenge: Sino-Canadian Relations in the 21st Century (2011).

  • John D. Meehan, Chasing the Dragon in Shanghai: Canada's Early Relations with China, 1858-1952 (2012).

  • Jonathan Manthorpe, Claws of the Panda: Beijing's Campaign of Influence and Intimidation in Canada (2019).

  • Timothy Brook, Great State: China and the World (2020).

  • Joanna Chiu, China Unbound: A New World Disorder (2021).

  • B. Michael Frolic, Canada and China: A Fifty-Year Journey (2022).